The Ombudsman sacked last Thursday Bohol provincial board member Vierna Mae Boniel-Maglasang. Her offense: serious dishonesty.
Twice in 2024 she gassed up two private cars using vouchers strictly for government vehicles. At an average gasoline price of P60 per liter that year, the provincial capitol lost P6,000.
The ombudsman imposed all accessory penalties: cancellation of civil service eligibility, perpetual bar from public office and forfeiture of retirement benefits.
That’s how harsh the law is against fraud and for accountability.
Also last Thursday the BIR records of VP Sara Duterte were bared at the Senate impeachment trial. Among those were payments from Davao City Hall for which she signed receipt, minus withholding taxes, in 2023:
• “Gross compensation income,” P2,361,252 and
• “Legal services,” P82,327.45.
Sara was already VP in 2023; she took office on June 30, 2022. So how come she collected P2.36-million compensation from Davao City where she was mayor and vice mayor from 2007 to 2022? And what legal services did she perform?
The Constitution forbids the President, VP, Cabinet secretaries, Usecs and Asecs from having other jobs, professions or businesses and interest in any government contract while in office (Article VII, Executive Department, Section 13).
Could the P2.36 million be long-delayed compensation as mayor, thus the BIR declaration in yearend 2023? Then again, what legal service did she perform for P82,327.45?
The Local Government Code also prohibits provincial governors and city/municipal mayors from having other jobs, professions or businesses and interest in any government contract while in office (RA 7160, Section 90).
Those amounts are puny compared to the findings of financial forensic analyst Alexander Cabrera. Sara has P817,874,867 unexplained wealth, the CPA-lawyer testified Friday.
Cabrera scrutinized Sara and spouse Manases Carpio’s deposits in over 30 active accounts across eight different banks from 2022 to 2025. Also, P4.4-billion bank inflows that the Anti-Money Laundering Council recorded in 2007-2025. Those consisted of 666 covered transactions, meaning P500,000 and above, and 55 suspicious transactions, meaning of shady nature.
Among the wealth concealment methods was “tinikling” – manager’s checks that were purchased in order to conceal the balances in bank accounts towards yearends when statements of assets, liabilities and net worth were due for filing. And revolving-door funds that were withdrawn immediately after deposit in front corporations.
Cabrera cross-checked those with Sara’s sworn SALNs, income tax payments and audited financial statements of their 18 corporations registered with the Securities and Exchange Commission.
The P817.87 million is conservative, Cabrera added Monday. Sara’s hidden wealth could be almost double – P1.5 billion. That’s if P475 million in confidential funds are added. Also if Cabrera was less conservative in assessing P100-million transactions questioned by the AMLC and P250 million paid to GenCorp Industries Inc.
GenCorp is mysterious. SEC records do not show Sara as stockholder or incorporator, only JTC Group as 55 percent owner. Yet she listed GenCorp as hers in her SALNs for 2022 to 2025.
BIR records reveal GenCorp to own five chicken and burger restaurants in strategic locations in Davao City. One can just imagine the speed of issuance of business permits because of connections to Davao City’s Office of the Mayor.
No less than Sara’s brother, now Mayor Sebastian Duterte, admitted that GenCorp had 19 catering contracts with City Hall in the past three years. Total value: P33,263,161.
Despite all that, exacting accountability seems so difficult. Sara refuses to face the court. She merely issues press statements, including calling the impeachment trial a “sarswela” and the senator-judges as “hawak ni Marcos.”
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Robin Padilla is confused. He can’t differentiate between the Senate as legislative body consisting of Majority and Minority from a trial body consisting of individual senator-judges.
Last Sunday he said his Minority bloc has not discussed boycotting Sara’s trial but that it’s possible: “Wala pong ganoong usapan pero baka malapit na po.”
Why is there a plan to boycott? Robin expounded: “Ayaw namin mabaluktot ang batas. Kapag hindi tumigil ang pagbabaluktot ng batas ay baka dumating sa punto na hindi na kami umattend.”
That means, for Robin, the Minority operates not only in the legislative body but also in the trial body. In effect, for Robin, the Minority can politicize the trial into blocs and factions.
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